Foreword

In the 25 years since the American government withdrew financial and military support from the former South Vietnamese State the unified government of Vietnam has worked to recover from the destructive impacts of the war. In 1975 the Vietnamese government inherited a country on the verge of economic collapse. Through the progressive steps of central planning, agricultural reform, state owned enterprises, the economic restructuring of doi moi, and the steps taken toward opening up to global trade, Vietnam has sought a path to provide stability for its people.  Through a stable national policy, Vietnam hopes to create a harmonious national environment, equity within society, ensure social welfare, alleviate poverty, and balance citizen’s rights with their responsibilities.

In this paper we will address Vietnam’s economy after the war, the restructuring of the economy under doi moi, foreign policy implications, and the successes and failures of the Vietnamese government and foreign aid donors in achieving domestic policy goals.  In section one we will discuss in detail the situation after the war, the initial economic plans, and the beginning steps toward decentralized economic planning.  In section two we will introduce Doi Moi, discuss Vietnam’s hesitance to enter the free market economy, and look at some achievements of Doi Moi.  Section three will address Vietnam’s foreign economic policy, the benefits of foreign investment in Vietnam , the drawbacks for foreign investors, Vietnam’s trade imbalance, and the U.S. economic embargo.  In section four we will examine Vietnam’s domestic policy priorities using the education and health care systems to analyze the implementation of domestic policies, examine the overall effect Doi Moi has had in attaining public goals, and look at foreign aid donors as participants in reaching domestic policy goals.  Finally, in section five we will summarize our findings and make policy recommendations intended to further the economic and social development goals of Vietnam.

Economic Development 1975-1986

Modern Vietnam is the product of decades of armed struggle both against foreign forces and among the Vietnamese themselves (Fforde 47). The country became a French colony in the late eighteenth century, and independence was declared in 1945, shortly after the Japanese surrendered at the end of WWII. The French did not recognize this independence though, and war broke out in 1946. The French set up a regime in the South, but were defeated in the North in 1954 and withdrew from Vietnam, leaving the country divided into two parts. Civil war resulted. The United States became heavily involved in the civil war after 1965, and finally, in 1975, the United States withdrew and the country was unified. Though Vietnam attempted to recover from the devastation of the war and make genuine economic progress, in 1985, Vietnam remained one of the world’s poorest countries.

Situation in 1975

By the fall of Saigon in 1975, three decades of warfare had “imposed heavy costs in the form of massive loss of life, physical injury, psychological damage, and a demographic imbalance characterized by a relative scarcity of males, destruction of the countries infrastructure, and severe disruption of the economy” (Griffin 2). Vietnam was in a state of near total devastation: one million military war dead, 1.5 million civilians dead, 15 million homeless, sixty percent of southern villages destroyed. In the north, every major town and provincial capital along with main roads, railway lines, bridges, ports, and industrial facilities had been bombed. It is estimated that 14 million tons of bombs and shells had destroyed the land (Murray 18). The country sustained a further loss in human capital through the exodus of approximately one million refugees from Vietnam after the communist victory in the South, among them tens of thousands of professionals, intellectuals, technicians, and skilled workers (Cima 149).

1975: Initial Economic Plans

After April 1975, economic reform was the highest priority of the new government. The newly unified Vietnam confronted two major challenges after April 1975. First, it was compelled to respond to and recover from the devastation of the prolonged conflict, and second, it had to promote economic integration (Ryan). North, Central, and South Vietnam were historically divided by ethnolinguistic differences, though all areas traditionally were agrarian and subsistence based. The French developed the regions separately, with the north the basis of industrial activity and the south designated to be developed agriculturally. This separation distorted the basic Vietnamese economy by overly stressing regional economic differences (Cima 148).

Vietnam at reunification was essentially one country under two economic systems, neither of which was well designed to achieve growth with equity and human development. In the south a form of capitalism had emerged that was heavily distorted by the need to service a large foreign military force, and in the north a system of central planning emerged whose primary purpose was to mobilize resources for the war effort. The formidable task after reunification was to transform these two incompatible economic systems into one and then redirect it so that it would serve developmental purposes (Griffin 2).

To meet these challenges, the government chose central planning. Planning is a key characteristic of centralized, communist economies, and one plan established for the whole country normally contains detailed economic development guides for all of its regions (Cima 149). In a centrally planned economy, the role of the state is very different than the role of the state in a market economy. All resources are allocated by government decision and administrative mechanisms, rather than the price mechanism that determines the allocation of resources in a market economy (Griffin 37). The Second Five-Year Plan (1976-1980) was initiated to bring about this process to the country (the first five-year plan applied only to the North.) The plan set extraordinarily high goals for average annual growth rates, and it gave priority to reconstruction and new construction while attempting to develop agricultural resources, to integrate the North and South, and to proceed with communization (Cima 150). Vietnam collectivized agriculture in the south along with nationalizing all manufacturing and most services (Murray 19). Central planning in Vietnam “followed a Soviet model, advocated large-scale industrial investments, self-sufficiency in food production and allocation of resources through a complex planning system”(Ryan). In heavy industry, there was a limited number of major infrastructure investments, with some assisted by the Soviet Union; in agriculture, the emphasis was on the establishment of state farms and cooperatives that served as both production and social units (Ryan).

By the government’s own admission, “socialism-building” was a disaster, that left the war-devastated economy barely able to feed the nation.  Hundreds of thousands of southern soldiers, officials, and intellectuals were sent to “re-education” camps after reunification, while another two million people were driven into exile in the ensuing years of harsh rule, including many with the administrative and business skills vitally needed to rebuild a shattered economy (Murray 19). Another loss to the nation was the loss of many of Saigon’s Chinese traders, swept out in 1977-78 by a wave of anti-capitalism and xenophobia. The post war economy from 1976 to 1980 was stagnant; industrial production grew an average of 0.6% a year, agricultural production gained 1.9%, but at the same time, the population was growing by nearly one million a year (Murray 21). Vietnam faced major problems in agriculture due to “exceptionally adverse weather, including a drought in 1977 and major typhoons and widespread flooding in 1978″ (Cima 154).

By 1979 it was clear that the Second Five-Year Plan had failed to “reduce the serious problems facing the newly unified economy. Vietnam’s economy remained dominated by small-scale production, low labor productivity, unemployment, material and technological shortfalls, and insufficient food and consumer goods” (Cima151). In addition, in 1979, Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia led to its isolation from the international community while the severe economic hardships that existed were exacerbated by a lack of access to international aid and extensive foreign trade (Murray ix).

Beginning Steps Toward Decentralization

Clearly, something had to be done to increase the pace of economic growth. The failure of the post-unification reforms led to the Third Five-Year Plan, which contained the first steps toward decentralization (Than 45).

The plan’s highest priority was to develop agriculture. In Vietnam, as in China, reforms began in agriculture, for it is the largest sector of the economy, and the sector that accounted for most of the employment. Of equal importance is that it is the sector where most of the poor were concentrated and the benefits of the reforms were therefore very widespread, reaching the great majority of the population and creating a favorable political climate for later reforms (Griffin 15).

Vietnam embarked on “systemic reform, the replacement of collective farming by a system of household farming with land use rights guaranteed for reasonably long periods” (Griffin 83). First, there was the abolition of agricultural cooperatives. There was a redistribution of access to land that was highly egalitarian at the local level but unequal between regions (Griffin 84). Second, there was the introduction of agricultural incentives through a contract system in which the government contracted an output quota with individual rice farmers instead of cooperatives, with inputs provided by the state at pre-determined levels. This system stimulated individual initiative and allowed free markets to develop. Since private initiative and personal effort were encouraged, output increased in range of 4-10% in the early 1980s, allowing the government to drastically reduce the amount of yearly rice imports (Murray 22).

As soon as the early success in agriculture became apparent, the experiment was extended to other areas of the economy.  Price controls were eased and state enterprises permitted to sell to private markets once they fulfilled state quotas; somewhat hesitantly, but significantly, the reforms also aimed at eliminating subsidies for both consumers and enterprises, along with structural reforms to the banking system to free more cash for investments in key development areas (Murray 22). The informal private sector, especially small traders and craftsmen, began to operate (Ryan).

Why Further Reform Was Needed

Despite these attempts at reform, the economy in the mid-1980s remained devastated. Vietnam has the unique distinction of being of one of the first countries in modern history to experience a sharp economic deterioration in a postwar reconstruction period (Cima 143). Inflation “was running at 700 percent a year, millions of farmers were on the brink of starvation, there was little on store shelves, the economy was hooked on a life-support system of over USD 4 million a day in Soviet aid—much of which was wasted on ill-conceived projects—and the nations energy was drained away in a costly military adventure in Cambodia (Butler 58).  Soaring inflation was particularly troublesome, and the population boom put pressure on food supplies and “severely taxed” the government’s ability to create jobs (Cima 143).  Vietnam remained desperately poor, and some rural provinces faced starvation; then, Vietnam’s longtime patron, the soviet Union, began to unravel, and Hanoi came to realize that “only by ditching Marxist economics could it” survive (Steinberger 22). It became clear even to the most conservative government figures that radical reform was necessary to save the system. Vietnam, a fertile nation, was unable to feed itself and was spending scarce foreign exchange to import rice (Eisenstodt 66). Reasons for this disappointing economic performance, despite attempts at reform, included “severe climatic conditions that afflicted agricultural crops, bureaucratic mismanagement, elimination of private ownership, extinction of entrepreneurial classes in the South, and military occupation of Cambodia (which resulted in a cutoff of much needed international aid for reconstruction)” (Cima 143).

In 1975, party leader Le Duan promised a television and a refrigerator in every home within ten years. Instead, there followed what the Vietnamese call the “10 bad years,” during which orthodox communist policies and a costly occupation of Cambodia made Vietnam one of the world’s poorest countries (Gibney Jr. 38). Clearly, the initial reforms were not far-reaching enough.

Economic Development: 1986-Present

To combat the “10 bad years,” Vietnam, in 1986, adopted a new economic reform policy called doi moi—”new life”.

Introduction of Doi Moi

Following the economic experiments in the 1970s and early 1980s, Doi moi was implemented to remedy the excessive rates of inflation, which exceeded 700 percent in 1986, the decline in the standard of living, regional famine, and “inefficient state run enterprises and cooperatives” (Ryan). Doi moi’s key elements included:

• policy reform for the “decentralization of state economic management” allowing decision making to be made by these newly autonomous enterprises;
• an end to the use of administrative measures and controls in favor of economic ones, for example, allowing inflation to be controlled by market forces;
• “the adoption of an outward-oriented policy in external relations,” including making interest rates responsive to market conditions, and the creation of a new, liberal foreign investment law;
• a reform in the agricultural policies, granting land-use rights, incentive for long term development, and granting more freedom to farmers to determine production inputs and outputs; and
• “The reliance or acceptance of the private sector as the engine of economic growth” (Than 5).

However, doi moi was not a clearly outlined plan of reform, but rather, an approach that focused on stability, incremental progress, and pragmatism. Doi moi was flexibly implemented “when the economic, political and social climate allows or requires it.” As such, it was not until 1989 that doi moi began to be more seriously implemented, encouraged by the success of some agricultural reforms combined with the “unraveling” of support from the Soviet Union (Ryan).

Open Markets, Democracy, and State Authority

In many ways, doi moi has been seen as Vietnam’s accepting that economic growth and development is best achieved through a market-oriented economy. However, the party in Vietnam still holds on to socialism and centralized control of power, which leads to difficulty when transferring the means of production to the private sector—a necessary factor for the creation of a market economy (Than 15). The persistence of state control over economic matters has led to question whether Vietnam is indeed pursuing a market economy or a multi-sector commodity economy. In a multi-sector commodity economy the state retains its central role, and, in the long run, is essentially “a new version of the old ineffective command economy” (Than 34).

One major reason Vietnam was initially hesitant in opening up the market entirely is that as a market is gradually opened, and the private sector grows more economically stable, more demands are likely to be made of the party. With the growth of the private sector, the party may lose some of its control and authority, perhaps eventually leading to demands for a multi-party democracy (Than 15). But, as noted by Dan Ton That, “democratic rule should not lead to a denial of authority.” Nor does it necessarily lead to “immediate individual freedom,” as can be seen with the long—and expensive—history for freedom sought by United States citizens. “Democratic rule only ensures that authority is based on the will of a clear majority of the population and is responsive to its wants and needs” (Than 37).

Dan Ton That also points out that democracy is not necessary for economic growth, nor does economic growth necessarily lead to multi-party democracy. Furthermore, the state cannot be left out of economic matters. State intervention is inevitable and, “in some cases intervention might even be necessary. Strong and authoritarian governments can coexist with strongly performing economies.” The intervention of the state should be limited, clearly defined, and held constant over time. The state has the responsibility, for example, to do its best to reduce impediments to growth. This can be done in various ways such as promoting gender and racial equality, reducing poverty, encouraging “creativity and entrepreneurship,” and doing its best to support economic measures which will promote sustainable development (Than 28)/(undp.org.vn/…/execsume). Finally, to be effective, the state must be able to provide the proper leadership to help advance the economic developments (Than 46).

Achievements of Doi Moi

In more recent years, Vietnam’s pragmatic view of development has shown in its open willingness to adopt a market-oriented economy. In a United Nations Development Program article, the Government of Vietnam is quoted as stating, “A market-oriented economy is considered best for ensuring rapid economic growth on a sustainable basis, and for achieving social goals” (Morey).

This certainty in supporting the economic direction in which Vietnam is heading can be attributed to at least two things. First, there has been a change in the education curriculum, especially in economics and economics-related courses, with great interest lying in examining the success of foreign markets (Than 42). Second, as Jordan D. Ryan asserts, support has been undoubtedly influenced by the economic achievements of doi moi. Among these achievements are macroeconomic stability, foreign policy achievements, agriculture, legal reforms, and education (Ryan).

Since the early 1990s, Vietnam has managed to achieve macroeconomic stability, reducing inflation to a level under ten percent and holding it relatively stable. This has promoted the “sustained, high 9-10 percent growth witnessed in today’s [1996] Vietnam.” Financial and fiscal reform, foreign direct investment, and trade have spurred on macroeconomic stability. Central to the financial and fiscal reform is a “maturing” of Vietnam’s banking system. This maturing has encouraged Vietnam’s foreign direct investment (FDI) to continue “in a positive trend.” Vietnam’s FDI portfolio is substantially diversified to ensure stability (Ryan). With the collapse of the Soviet Union and other members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in 1990, Vietnam lost most of its trading partners. This forced Vietnam to rapidly enter the world trading market, changing its role with agricultural reform from being a rice importer to being self-sufficient and being one of the major rice exporters in the world (Murray 6).

As said before, doi moi was spurred on in a large way with the real success that was observed in the agricultural sector. This fact has profoundly changed the rural population, which makes up about 80 percent of Vietnam’s population (Griffin ). One of the major transitions was from reliance of collective farms to reliance on household farms. The “securing” of land-use rights for farmers, the freedom granted to determine their crops, and the allowance for the market to determine the resale prices of the crops have all contributed to increased incentive for productivity (Ryan). Long term sustainable development of agriculture has been the goal of agricultural reforms, with the hope that ultimately it can help “eradicate hunger, reduce poverty, and strengthen unity in the countryside” (Vietnam [1998-1999] 23). Although the agricultural potential of Vietnam is great, the government is anxious to pursue more industrial growth rather than relying on agriculture. This is due to the large costs historically associated with their agriculture. In 1991, for example, Vietnam lost over one million tons of un-harvested food crops due to adverse weather conditions (Grub). The severity of this can also be seen with the devastation of the central region of Vietnam due to storms.

In the past decade, Vietnam has significantly restructured its foreign policy. Two examples of change regarding foreign involvement include the lifting of the United States embargo on Vietnam, and the membership of Vietnam into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which was initially an organization created to prevent the spread of communism (Ryan). Foreign policy is important, as Dan Ton That points out: “Superior economic performance has been achieved by those countries which have been more open to external relations as opposed to those which have been inward looking and isolated” (Than 22). There are, however, some complaints from foreign investors concerning the cumbersome bureaucracy that they encounter on a regular basis (Grub).

One of the major changes related to the complaints of foreign investors is Vietnam’s reform of its legal system. Along with very liberal foreign investment laws, the National Assembly adopted a constitution in 1992. This Constitution, among other things, permitted private ownership, committed the state to doi moi, and established the National Assembly as the “highest representative body of the people” (Ryan). Other significant laws include the Land Law of 1993, the Civil Code of 1995, and the Budget Law of 1996. The Land Law “granted farmers rights over the land they worked.” The Civil Code was a major reform that provided the legal groundwork necessary for a market economy (Ryan). The Budget Law set out the responsibilities of different parts and levels of government, and allowed for “more effective decentralization, and participation at the local level” (undp.org.vn/…/execsume).

An evident problem concerning Vietnam’s legal system is the ineffective or slow implementation of laws. The example of the slow implementation of doi moi can be an illustration of this. Another example can be found in an article from Far Eastern Economic Review. The article states, in early 1999, “Washington lifted its trade embargo… on February 4, 1994, and normal trade ties have yet to develop…. Now Hanoi is talking about an eight-year phase-in period” (Keenan [1]). A few months later in the same magazine, an article referring to technology firms investing in Vietnam ran the following: “If you want a venture-capital fund you have to have legal and financial infrastructure in place to accommodate it…. The needed regulations are not in place today” (Keenan [2]). Many feel that without a serious reform of the enforcement of Vietnam’s legal system, the credibility of any talks of economic renovation is jeopardized (Than 40).

Part of the problem is availability of information and the necessary education to use the information. Concerning laws, Vietnam has been putting effort into making the laws available to the public. This had been done through various papers, and radio and television broadcasts (Vietnam [1998-1999] 70). In addition, there has been government encouragement for the establishment of grassroots juridical libraries. The obvious problem is funding—there is no budget allocation for the establishment of such libraries. The second problem is the lack of necessary education of library custodians, resulting in “low effectiveness in the exploitation of the libraries” (Vietnam [1998-1999] 71).

This has led to incentives for educational reforms to take place. Many of the reforms need to occur for those in administrative positions. In these areas, is would be advisable to seek assistance from foreign educational institutions. Vietnam’s academic authorities have requested assistance from foreign universities to help rewrite their curriculum—especially in economics and economics-related courses—to help people better understand the functioning of a market economy (Than 42). Another problem facing Vietnam’s level of education is the forging of diplomas at various levels. The Ministry of Education and Training acknowledges that such actions are “causing serious discontent among people and adversely affecting the quality of education and training,” and have resolved to work strongly with law enforcing bodies to cut down on further fraudulent activities (Vietnam [1998-1999] 65).

Foreign Economic Policy

After years as a closed economy, Vietnam opened up to foreign investment in 1987 with the proclamation of the foreign investment law. The opportunities the country has to offer have been greeted enthusiastically by foreign investors. However, to succeed in Vietnam , the foreign businessman must have patience as well as be willing to make long-term commitments. The foreign investor needs to be aware of the possible problems and pitfalls that may be encountered, just as they may be encountered in the early stages of any rapidly developing economy (Than 43).

Investors with knowledge of the region are looking for traditionally strong reasons to invest.  In land and property development, the three leading reasons have always been Location, Location and Location. However, other important considerations are: stability of government (politics and economics), reliability of workforce (education, experience, loyalty, and trainability), costs of operations and services (source of material, and availability of labor, taxes, and wages). Vietnam can offer the following attractions and advantages: abundant mineral and natural resources; active government encouragement of foreign investment; cheap labor and a literate workforce; potential tourism; a potentially important consumer market with a population of about 77 million; a central location in the fast-growing Asia-Pacific region. On the other hand, the foreign investor needs to be aware of the difficulty of poor infrastructure. There are severe problems with roads and the railway system, port facilities, bridges, water and electricity supply, sewage and drainage. Official statistics are not always consistent. Communications and the banking system also need further development, along with serious impediments of bureaucracy and corruption.  However, it is important to point out that although Vietnam is a challenging place for the foreign investor, progress is being make in nearly all mentioned areas, and that the pace of change over the last few years has been remarkable (vietnaminfo.virtualave.net).

Since 1987, Vietnam has been transforming a centrally planned economy to an economy subject to market forces. This has involved creating many laws and regulations to facilitate foreign investment, the most important of which is the Law on Foreign Investment in Vietnam. The Law on Foreign Investment imposes no minimum or maximum amounts of investment and does not limit the maximum percentage of foreign ownership in investment projects. There are four primary means for foreign companies to participate in Vietnam’s economy: the Business Cooperation Contract (BCC), Joint Venture, 100 percent-owned Enterprise, and Build-operate-Transfer (BOT).

A BCC allows a foreign firm to pursue business interests in Vietnam in cooperation with a Vietnamese firm without conferring the right of establishment or ownership. In many respects, this is the most flexible arrangement that Vietnam offers to foreign investors, although the BCC business license carries no tax holidays or concessions given to other types of foreign investments.

Joint Venture agreements in Vietnam typically pair foreign companies and local companies sharing capital and profits in a 70-30% split. License usually granted for up to 50 years.

100-percent-foreign-owned-enterprises (FOE) have become more popular recently, as investors have learned better to navigate the local system on their own, and as problems with joint-venture partners have become more apparent. These enterprises now account for around 20 percent of all foreign invested projects. Disadvantages include more difficult access to land (except in industrial zones and export processing zones), and a more limited duration license of not more than 10-15 years.

Fifty seven percent of the total investments in come from joint ventures, twenty nine percent from 100%-foreign-invested-enterprises, and fourteen percent from business cooperation contract. Beside these three main forms of investment, Vietnam recently just established two new ones: investments in export zones and build-operate-transfer (vietnaminfo.virtualave.net).

Vietnam plans to modernize and industrialize the country, creating jobs for a labor force that is adding workers at the rate of one million a year. A new stage has begun. In July 1995, Vietnam became the newest member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). After Vietnam joined the ASEAN, its bilateral relations with other ASEAN members- including Australia, Brunei, China, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Indonesia, Italy, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Sweden, Taiwan, and Thailand- are in a better position to develop. Dozens of governmental agreements have been signed, laying the legal groundwork for the development of cooperation in the economy, trade, investment, science, technology, culture and society. ASEAN is an important trade partner and accounts for 30% of Vietnamese exports and imports (Vietnam’s Integration in Progress 7).

The opportunity to conclude import-export activities in Vietnam is meanwhile more favorable than in the last few years. The foreign trade monopoly of the state is generally abolished. Import-export activities are subject to two types of licensing, both of which are administered by the Ministry of Trade. First, import-export business licenses are required for enterprises engaged in foreign trade. Second, specific import licenses are required for many products. As far as distribution organizations are concerned, where there is a need to import products on an on-going basis, approvals also need to be obtained. In November of each year, the relevant entity must submit to the Ministry of Trade its annual importation and distribution plans. The plans must indicate a proposed level of importation and describe how the imported products will be either re-exported or distributed locally. The plan may be amended at certain times throughout the year and a six-monthly report must be prepared, setting out how those plans are being implemented. Most foreign goods imported to Vietnam are subject to import duty and a number of items are subject to export duty. The rates range from 1% to 200% depending upon the product. The import duty for many products is very high, especially for the consumer goods e.g. cars 150%, TV 40%, garments 50%. Given the vast number of products that may be subject to duty and the fact that the rates change regularly, due diligence is important. Duty is generally calculated on a CIF basis for imports and a FOB basis for exports. There are certain exemptions from import duty, such as for equipment contributed to a joint venture by way of capital contribution and generally for imports into one of Vietnam’s export processing zones. Vietnam records have been shown that they imported three times more than exported. This indicates the imbalance of Vietnam’s economy (vietnaminfo.virtualave.net).

After the Vietnam War, United States set up an embargo policy against Vietnam. It gave a history of almost twenty years without the content of the Vietnam-US relations.  However, Vietnam did not collapse. The legitimate interests of the two peoples require that Vietnam-US relationship be that of friendship and cooperation. The principle of Vietnam is to develop relations and cooperation with US on the basis of respect other’s independence and sovereignty, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality, and mutual benefit. The normalization and development of economic and trade ties constitute the fundamental and most important content of the relations between the two countries in the new stage. This is of interest in the long term as a way to close the past and look towards the future. On February 3, 1994, President Bill Clinton announced the decision to lift the embargo against Vietnam and to open a U.S Liaison Office in Hanoi.  Since the lifting of the US embargo, progress has been recorded in the trade and investment field (Vietnam‘s Integration in Progress.45).

Vietnam’s Social Goals

The government of Vietnam has made bold steps toward opening up its economy to the world since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the validity of centrally planned economies were called into question.  With the implementation of economic restructuring, called doi moi (new life), in 1989 the national government has passed new laws, broadened the constitution, and began liberalizing the economy in the hopes of achieving the economic success of Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan by following their model of state directed development.

The challenge Vietnam’s government faces is striking a balance between providing an economic climate conducive to an improved economy while striving toward their internal social goals.  The government of Vietnam’s biggest economic “worry is that the independence they gained through war is now being squandered in peace” (Schwarz 56).  Vietnam is concerned with taking the steps to join the global economy but not at the price of accepting western influence in the markets of Vietnam if it will undermine cultural values and national identity “which is an indispensable factor for integration and competition with the outside world” (Vietnam [1994-1995] 36).

Government Directed Domestic Policy

The five domestic goals as outlined by Vietnam’s former progressive Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet are 1) to bring about harmonious national development, 2) create an equitable society, 3) ensure social welfare, 4) alleviate poverty, and 5) balance citizen’s rights with their responsibilities.  The way that these five goals play out in the programs implemented by Vietnam’s leaders can be seen in the objectives the government chose to focus their resources on during the 6th Session of the National Assembly (Vietnam [1994-1995] 41).

The economic plan laid out for Vietnam during the 6^th Session of the National Assembly sets domestic priorities as improving education and access to healthcare for all citizens, especially those in upland areas, in rural districts, and those living in poverty.  The need for this refocus during doi moi is from the government’s recognition that investment in Vietnam’s population is not a second order need that can be addressed later (Griffin 74).  Fees for service were introduced to the education and healthcare systems.  These fees were intended to increase private financing of schooling and medical care, instead the fees worked regressively inhibiting access to services for all but the most wealthy in society (Griffin 61).

For the purposes of this paper we will consider the provision of education and healthcare as indicators in Vietnam’s development of an equitable society where social welfare and poverty alleviation are priorities.  “The World Bank observes that although the centrally planned economies tended to have impressive literacy and numeracy as compared with countries with similar incomes in the West,” continued investment is necessary in both education and healthcare. The World Bank contends that health care and education under central planning in Vietnam failed to respond to changes in the labor market, tend to be poorly coordinated, and fail to give teachers and administrators incentives not to waste resources.  Thus the inherited system is not designed to support the reform process and the successful functioning of a market economy (Griffin 57).

Education

In education the Vietnamese government wishes to “increase the quality of the invaluable human resources of [Vietnam].” The government has developed a five-step plan to improve education. The plan would (1) readjust primary school objectives to conform to the training and use in the future, (2) provide a broadened field of study in secondary schools, (3) improve schools in ethnic and upland areas, (4) reorganize and renew university curricula, and (5) refresh and retrain teaching staff. The focus of these five steps is to focus national development on science, technology, and language. The government especially encourages continuing foreign language development among civil servants, with a focus on study abroad (Vietnam [1994-1995] 35).

These educational objectives help the government redress two problems identified in Vietnam’s school system.  These two problems are (1) the historical lack of a codified school system between the north and south (the north and south school systems were not joined in their educational goals until 1981) and (2) the lack of educational investment in the initial years doi moi. The World Bank notes that Vietnam, during the reform process, has not continued to invest in education with a decline in these services being most evident in poor rural areas with a system that delivers few benefits to the poor (Griffin 57). Currently, public expenditure covers 55% of the cost of primary school education in Vietnam (Griffin 61).

“Access to school, particularly for the poor, is limited by the many fees and contributions parents must pay—despite no formal tuition fees for primary school.” Vietnam’s Social Services Financing Survey indicates that the costs to a primary school student’s family prohibits many of the poorest children from attending school. Only 70% of the poorest children are enrolled in primary school as opposed to 91% from the richest quintile (World Bank [2] 37).

Although the Vietnamese government has indicated the importance of education and expresses a desire to create greater equity within society the political system has not directed the budgeted funds to the groups identified as most in need. Instead, “government spending on education is regressive and runs counter to government policy.” With additional funding from the government directed to the wealthiest provinces, rather than in rural and upland areas (Griffin 61).

Healthcare

As with the education system, funding for the healthcare system in Vietnam was reduced after the implementation of initial reforms under doi moi.  This reduced funding was to be replaced by user fees that were to increase the responsiveness of the healthcare system to the needs of fee-paying patients.

“The main difference between the health and education sectors is that whereas both were adversely affected by the first phase of reforms, health has not benefited from the same increase in public commitment as education during the second phase of reforms.”  Public expenditure for healthcare has continued to decline from 5.3% of budgeted expenditures in 1991 to 3.2% in 1996 (Griffin 63).

Even though healthcare expenditures have declined as a percentage of the budget from 1991 to 1996 these central government expenditures are distributed on a per capita basis. This ensures that at least government spending in healthcare is more progressive than education spending. However, the World Bank estimates that “following reform of the health system, the poor are largely unable to afford the cost of health facilities whether in the state sector or not” (Griffin 67).

Prevention of disease through the provision of safe drinking water and improved environmental sanitation facilities is an important healthcare goal outlined by the Vietnamese government. Interestingly, funding for the provision of these services has been cut since the implementation of doi moi. The World Bank conjectures that one of the reasons that public investment in water infrastructure and preventive health care is such a low priority at the moment is that the government hopes to expand the existing water supply program funded by UNICEF using aid from other donors (Griffin 64).

If Vietnam’s priorities truly are the creation of an equitable society, where social welfare and poverty alleviation are priorities, the implementation of health and education programs in Vietnam do not prove this. It seems clear from the information available that both education and healthcare have suffered since the implementation of user fees under doi moi and the decrease of direct public spending.

Doi Moi’s Economic Impact toward Reaching Vietnam’s Social Goals

It is, however, also important to understand that although fewer poor families have access to health and education services it is still true that doi moi economic policies actually have helped reduce the number of poor families. Although poverty is still a pressing problem in Vietnam the success of doi moi has reduced poverty “from more than an estimated 70% in the mid-1980s to somewhere closer to 30% today” (United Nations i).

Not only has poverty been reduced, but life expectancy has increased, adult literacy has been maintained at above 90%, real income per capita has nearly doubled, and infant mortality has declined. “In short, all available data and evidence strongly suggest that doi moi has substantially improved the overall well-being of the vast majority of people in Vietnam.” One must still remember that although conditions in Vietnam have improved significantly, “according to a global human development index… Vietnam ranks 122^nd of 174 countries in the world” (United Nations ii).

Foreign Involvement in Domestic Policy

It is clear from even a brief visit to Hanoi that foreign involvement in the development of Vietnam is significant. Donor aid agencies, whether governmental or non-governmental, contribute to many of the projects of greatest priority to the Vietnamese Government.  For example, Vietnam has established an ambitious goal to eliminate poverty by the year 2010.  The intention of foreign aid agencies was well put by Roy D. Morey, the Resident Coordinator of the UN Development Program in Vietnam when he said, “UNDP is committed to assist the Government and people of Vietnam to achieve this [elimination of poverty] objective” (UNDP foreword).

Foreign involvement has been an important factor in the reduction of poverty in Vietnam.  By raising the standard of living during doi moi foreign investment and foreign aid have helped create more opportunities for the poor in Vietnam to improve their livelihoods (United Nations foreword). There are many sources of foreign development aid in Vietnam.  Both philanthropic and profit oriented projects have improved the economic climate and created opportunities especially for those in well served urban areas.  However, the “poor condition of infrastructure, especially roads and water supply is a critical constraint” on economic development in rural areas (World Bank [1] 40).

The imbalance in access to opportunity for people living in the rural areas of the central highlands and coastal villages in central Vietnam as compared to the opportunities available to those living in the wealthier provinces is significant. This inequity in access to opportunity is an issue of great importance to the Vietnamese government and the people of Vietnam. However, under current economic constraints the development of greater access to services has not been a priority with funding from the government. In fact, the government of Vietnam has removed funding from many projects that it sees as likely recipients of foreign aid. A case in point would be water infrastructure. In 1996 less than half of the rural population had access to safe drinking water yet water infrastructure is a low priority for public funding in part because the Vietnamese government hopes to expand the current UNICEF funded water supply program through donor aid grants (Wrold Bank [1] 40).

Scott Fritzen, a consultant with UNDP Rural Development, claims that the major impediment to improving social equity in Vietnam’s development process is the lack of coordination of development aid. Mr. Fritzen gave the preventative healthcare programs to control Malaria and TB as an example.  Instead of one integrated healthcare organization designed to deal with TB and Malaria simultaneously Vietnam has two parallel organizations. The duplication of administration and service delivery is typical of the way services are provided in Vietnam. This issue is not made any simpler by the fact that so many aid agencies, non-governmental organizations, and foreign governments are attempting to implement development projects in Vietnam (Fritzen 11/15/99).

Recommendations

As we have seen, domestic policy implementation has been most effective through the alleviation of poverty. Vietnam’s improved economy after implementing doi moi did more to reduce poverty than direct government spending on social programs.  To improve the economic situation in Vietnam there needs to be continued investment in the future of the country.  Foreign direct investment in the economy of Vietnam was a significant factor in the 9 to10% economic growth rate experienced by Vietnam during the first half of the 1990s.  The economic policies of doi moi, that attracted foreign investment, have done great things to create a climate in which opportunities are available for people to better their lives economically.

Judicial Reform

The economic slowdown in Vietnam was precipitated in part by the Asian financial crisis.  Yet it is important to note that weak legal enforcement has created a climate in which the cost of doing business is uncertain. Vietnamese government policy is to create a system in which there is “no restriction in a quest for wealth, but every business must be conducted in the framework of law” (Vietnam [1994-1995] 39). However, “despite a flurry of new laws, Vietnam’s legal system remains inadequate for a modern market economy” (Schwarz 52). In conversation with Tracy Thiele, public information officer for the US Embassy in Vietnam, she states that foreign business, especially American business, will not view Vietnam as a good place to invest until the judicial system is viewed as fair.  Both parties in a dispute need to know that an impartial judge, who has not been bribed or otherwise coerced into judgment, will hear their case. It may be the case in Vietnam as it was in China that foreign investors will not feel confident in the judicial system until foreign companies begin winning cases in arguments with Vietnamese companies.

State Owned Enterprise

Reform of state owned enterprises is also needed to promote economic growth in Vietnam. The problem with state owned enterprises is a lack of competition and a complacent work environment that spends 18 times as much to employ a single worker than does a privately held company. The solution to this inefficiency is twofold. First, truly follow the models of South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore and create several competing state enterprises. Second, reduce the bureaucracy for privately held companies so that business licensing and other government regulated activities are coordinated and efficient.

Banking Reform

Currently, the Vietnamese banking system does not follow standardized accounting practices accepted worldwide. Yet, to participate in a global market it is necessary to follow similar business practices used in the rest of the world. Both of these steps will improve the business climate in Vietnam by attracting and retaining investment and creating economic stability.

Policy Planning and Implementation Coordination

As noted in the section on Vietnam’s social goals it is clear that although there are many parties attempting to improve living conditions for the poorest people there is little effective coordination of efforts. It seems clear that the first step in improving economic development to achieve Vietnam’s policy goals is to coordinate the efforts of the three levels of Vietnam’s government with the many aid agencies working inside the country. There are currently many overlaps in service delivery throughout Vietnam. By coordinating efforts the development goals of all parties are more likely to be achieved than by continuing to pursue a fragmented system of development program implementation.

Sustainability

One important thing to remember is that reform is not an automatic process.  Once we have initiated a reform process, if we are to expect continued progress, we must be willing to commit to the effort (Ryan). This brings up the idea of sustainable development—an idea that needs to be considered both by developing and already developed countries.  Sustainable development should not just focus on growth of per capita income and gross national product, but should also have a positive, lasting effect on people’s livelihood (Morey).

Sustainable development must consider environmental consequences. It is undeniable that free-markets have had considerable positive impacts on economic growth, but it is important to note that in many cases, economic growth has been achieved by sacrificing the environment. Truly sustainable development meets the needs of the present without infringing on the ability of successive generations to meet their needs (Than).

Conclusion

It is clear that economic development in Vietnam has improved social conditions since the end of their civil war in 1975. It is also clear that foreign involvement and global economic exchange in Vietnam’s economy holds promise of a better economic life and more social opportunities for the people of Vietnam. What is not clear is whether the government of Vietnam is willing to take the steps needed to enter the world economy. The world community is asking for a great leap forward from Vietnam, and is standing by to help this young country with old leaders create a better future for all its people.

Works Cited

• Butler, Steven. Vietnam’s Next Crusade.U.S. News and World Report, May 1^st 1995.
• Cima, Ronald J, ed. Vietnam: A Country Study. 1990.
• Eisenstodt, Gale. Caged Tiger. Forbes, March 25^th 1996.
• Fforde, Adam and Stefan de Vylder. From Plan to Market: The Economic Transition in Vietnam. New York: Westview Press, 1996.
• Fritzen, Scott. Personal interview conducted November 13^th 1999.
• Gibney Jr., Frank. Back in Business. Time, April 24^th 1995.
• Griffin, Keith, ed. Economic Reform in Vietnam. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998.
• Grub, Phillip D. Political Change in Vietnamand the Opening of New Opportunities for Trade and Investment. gopher://hoshi.cic.sfu.ca/00/dlam/business/forum/asia/grub, 1992.
• Keenan, Faith [1]. Opening the Door: HanoiTakes Major Step Towards a Trade Deal with U.S. Far Eastern Economic Review. http://203.105.48.72/9902_11/p24vietnam.html, Feb 11^th 1999.
• Keenan, Faith [2]. What’s the Rush: Vietnam Reacts Slowly to Technology Wave. Far Eastern Economic Review. http://203.105.48.72/9907_15/p42tech1.html, July 15^th 1999.
• Morey, Roy D. Using the UN to Advance Sustainable Growth with Equity. http://www.undp.org.vn/undp/docs/1996/growth/english/rdmcatos.htm, 1996.
• Murray, Geoffrey. Vietnam: Dawn of a New Market.New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996.
• Ryan, Jordan D and Jens C. Wandel. Vietnam’s Reform Experience: The Quest for Stability During Transition. http://www.undp.org.vn/undp/docs/1996/reform/eng, 1996.
• Schwarz, Adam. Vietnam: Trade and Investment—Steps in the Dark. Far Eastern Economic Review, October 26^th 1995.
• Steinberger, Michael. A ‘ New Road ‘ for Asia ‘s Latest Tiger Economy. Maclean’s, July 29^th 1996.
• Than, Mya and Joseph L.H. Tan, eds.Vietnam‘s Dilemmas and Options: The Challenge of Economic Transition in the 1990s.Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993.
• Thiele, Tracy. Personal interview conducted November 17^th 1999.
• United Nations Development Program [untitled, unauthored]
  http://www.undp.org.vn/undp/docs/1996/catchup/english/execsume.htm, 1996.
• United Nations,Vietnam. Expanding Choices for the Urban Poor. December 1998.
• Vietnam: 1994-1995. Hanoi: The Gogi Publishers, 1995.
• Vietnam: 1998-1999. Hanoi: The Gogi Publishers, 1999.
• Vietnam’s Integration in Progress.Hanoi: The Gogi Publishers, 1999.
• World Bank [1]. Vietnam: Fiscal Decentralization and the Delivery of Rural Services. Report No. 15745-VN, October 31^st 1996.
• World Bank [2]. Vietnam: Rising to the Challenge—An Economic Report. Report No. 18632-VN, November 25^th 1998.
• [untitled, unauthored web site] http://www.vietnaminfo.virtualave.net/business/forinv.htm.

We got to South Korea on the evening of the sixth. We made our way through customs fairly efficiently, then made our way outside. It was warm, but drizzling. During the bus ride to the YMCA Hotel that we were going to stay at, I got a sense of how large Seoul was. There were many huge sky-rises with packed apartments. They were all inhabited, but they often seemed to take on the appearance of neglect. This turned out to be one of the most obvious observations throughout China, South Korea (Seoul at least), and what I have seen of Vietnam.

Over the next few days in Seoul, our group was given a chance to explore the city. Although the city was very modern and western looking, down to the way people dressed and the pervasive use of cell phones, amongst the many futuristic looking skyscrapers, one could find incredible, intricate mazes of alleys and side-streets—all well stocked, mostly, with food vendors. Since I was not quite adventurous during the first couple of days, I did most of my eating indoors, in cleaner (looking) restaurants. What struck me as odd in many of these restaurants, was the great number of people working at the same time, despite the small number of customers in the restaurant.

In our short time in Seoul, we also got to go on a couple of tours of places of historical interest. There was noticeable influence of Chinese culture in many of these places, such as the influence of Confucius thought, as well as noticeable Japanese influence, especially seen in the ancient architecture. From both cultures, a comforting, traditional, harmonious incorporation of man and nature was definitely observable. There was also a noted Western influence. From the rooftop of the YMCA, I could see three buildings with crosses, and when some friends and I went to a teahouse and spent three dollars each on authentic Korean black tea, we were brought cups with Lipton Brisk teabags floating in them.

One night, I decided to go to a club to see what Seoul’s nightlife was like. Except for the fact that I had never heard any of the music, most of the experience was the same as what one would expect in America —mostly drinking, dancing, and loud, repetitious music. But there was a significant difference. The dancing was different. Men danced with men, and women with women. It was certainly a different display of gender roles, but in many ways, didn’t surprise me too much. After all, when I thought about who most of the Western dressed, cell-phone-carrying people were, they were mostly young women—another apparently different set of gender roles. However, I found out from one of our guides that women worked until they were married, at which point they were expected to take up a more submissive, traditional role in the home.

A few days later, and we were ready to leave this expensive metropolis and go to China. We did so by taking a ferry in which we had communal, unisex sleeping rooms—something I don’t think would be acceptable to many Americans. In the morning, approaching Weihai, I saw evidence of land and humanity floating by in the water in the form of trash. It struck me as odd that a culture that has always been in my mind as one that embraces nature and harmony with it would allow for such environmental degradation. This was not the only time that I noticed high degrees of litter. Trashcans were not always available on main streets, but usually only at historical places and tourist attractions. On one of the ferry rides we took, I saw people on other boats simply dumping the contents of their wastebaskets overboard.

When we got to Weihai, two somewhat contradictory events occurred almost simultaneously. Our group had been warned in Santa Barbara that we should expect to feel the presence of authority while in China. One small example was a moment of disciplinary education and the checking of passports and visas of one of my classmates who made the mistake of standing out of line. This power display was a bit odd to me, since, while looking around me, it seemed like the idea of lining up and awaiting your turn was a foreign one to the Chinese. The display of authority, however, was contrasted with a display of sincere kindness: many little Chinese men voluntarily helped us carry our weighty luggage and made no big deal out of it at all.

Three of my experiences in Weihai are worth recounting. The first is of my meeting with a shoe repairman on one of the downtown streets. The second is of the great eating situation in Weihai. A third experience I wish to recount is my meeting with a few Chinese students. All these events gave me a bit of insight into Chinese culture.

On one of our evenings in downtown Weihai, Amy and I ran across one of our fellow students sitting on the sidewalk with a few older Chinese men. They weren’t talking much—just sitting together. Amy and I went over to join them. The men were quick to offer their collapsible stools to us, and we accepted, saying hello and thank you to them in Chinese. Our poor Chinese skills amused the men very much and warmed the atmosphere, encouraging one of them to try to strike up a conversation with us. He was the oldest in the group of men, and he spoke a little English—just enough to actually converse. His son was studying at UC Berkeley, and this man’s extreme enthusiasm and pride in his son’s accomplishment was motivational. From our conversation, there was also a strong feeling of pride about the progress China was making both in terms of economics and in terms of relationships with foreign nations—especially the United States.

Later that evening, back at the dining hall, we ended our day with another massive meal—one of the many that we would shortly become accustomed to. While we did have a traditional meal in Korea where everyone sat down together and shared food, eating in China was an entirely different experience. Eight people to a table, and about six different plates of food to be shared between us. There was a present collective atmosphere, which was in stark contrast with the individual culture I had become accustomed to in America . One of the things that I never got accustomed to was the fact that rice always came at the end, while I always expected it to come first, and all the other dishes be “rice toppers.” There was an explanation for this: to the Chinese, rice was seen as the end dish, and given mostly symbolically as a humble way of apologizing for not having enough (delicious) food available to us.

One evening, we were given the chance to meet Chinese students who were studying English. Although Chinese students are not exactly a fair example of the typical Chinese person—only 1 percent of the population of China gets to go to a university—it is still valuable to meet with them. My initial reaction was that I was impressed by their English skills, and their skills allowed me to have a very good conversation with them. After answering many of their questions about my family life, they came to the conclusion that I was very conservative and traditional. This I found strange, but when I thought about it, I could see what they were referring to. I was not the stereotypical individualist American that they had in mind (though they all agreed a unique looking one). For example, I liked family over freedom and I had dinner almost ritually with my family at six each evening, at a dinner table, and not alone in front of a television.

We talked about politics, and found out that, in their minds, Chairman Mao is still seen as a great man. Taxi drivers have photos of Mao in their car for good luck. But, the general agreement was that most students have come to the conclusion that Joe Enlai is better liked—his pragmatic (these were their words) approach to foreign relations helped bring China where it is today. We agreed that President Clinton has been a good leader, but should have been careful in the image of values and morality that he was projecting to the rest of the world.

The students we met played many of the roles we were told to expect from Chinese people. They arrived on time, not wishing to offend the guest. They showed up with a small gift—a token of friendship. I offered them chocolate; they declined—with a shy smile. I offered again—same response. Third time, and they thankfully accepted. Amy offered them compliments about their mastering of the English language. They responded with the phrase I kept hearing over and over from the people I talked to, “No, no…. My English is not very good.” They left promptly when they felt that it was too late, and promised to write Amy and I. We got letters from them two weeks after we left. The notion of friendship is much different to them. I am afraid to offend them.

Our time in Weihai was too short. We arrived in Jinan after spending just a few days in Weihai. It was nice to finally be somewhere that we could settle down. One of the first things I noticed as similarities between Jinan and Weihai was the level of development that is going on in the cities. There were many buildings that seemed to be just waiting to be filled. Apparently, China is simply very big on construction. I mentioned the buildings in Korea, which seemed to have been neglected for years. I also noticed many such buildings in China, but rather than maintaining the buildings and preventing them from falling into complete disrepair, the Chinese left them, then tore them down, then rebuilt.

Jinan had a lot to take in. There was more environmental degradation, like I had noticed in Weihai with the littering. The air was practically unbreathable. Since this is a major, mid sized city, there were many more people—and a lot more traffic. What was odd to me about the pollution problem is that it is a problem that is well known to the Chinese government—they spent millions cleaning up Beijing for the 50^th anniversary of the PR China, and they knew exactly which industries were the ones contributing to the problem. Why such a policy could not be enacted permanently, and all across China, I’m not sure. I feel it is related to the desire to do what it can to “catch up” with the world’s economic powers.

Late in my stay in Jinan, I met with some more Chinese students. One of them, a history student, impressed me with his factual and statistical knowledge. When I thought about it, I had noticed the Chinese value of statistics back in Weihai, with the lecture given to us by a university historian while there. But it was more than statistics. It was memorization. This was a value passed down from Confucius, who prized knowledge. To the Chinese education authorities, knowledge was simply memorization. For example, one of the English students pointed out to me that the reason so many of the Chinese students hesitate with their English is that they spend most of their time memorizing vocabulary and grammar rules, and very little time getting to speak the language.

One of the strangest experiences I had in China was during one of my computer software shopping days. I was having a wonderful time buying bootlegged software, wondering if China had any laws regarding copyright infringement, and at the same time, letting go of all my morals concerning personal property rights and buying lots of great programs for next to nothing. One of the stores had an entire floor dedicated to bootlegged software, which was stored in shoeboxes under the counter, brought out on request. There were some legitimate software titles on some of the shelves. On this day, I was casually browsing through a couple of boxes, along with maybe thirty other consumers, when I heard a shout from the stairwell. Immediately, all the boxes were snatched off the counter and shoved into the locking cabinets. I was in the midst of a raid. Seven or eight Chinese men, smoking and wearing black sports-coats and sunglasses, entered and began opening the legitimate software boxes and checking their authenticity and warranties. I snuck out. I didn’t want to be caught up in any of this.

But my question about the existence of laws concerning copyright laws was answered. Most likely, the reason such activities are able to exist in the first place is that they can. Enforcement is probably too expensive. When I told the story to one of the Chines students I met, he agreed with my reasoning, but also added that it was also a matter of demand. Many books and audio CDs, for example, are far too expensive for the average Chinese person, especially the average Chinese student, to afford. Bootlegged goods are the only way they can get exposure to most of this sort of stuff.

Soon enough, we had left Jinan, and ended up in Beijing. Although I was the least impressed by Beijing, there was a lot about the city that intrigued me. One thing in particular was the paradox between tradition and modernizing. There were skyscrapers, for example, which would have traditional Chinese rooftops. Tollbooths were built to resemble the traditional gates found at the entrance to different parts of gardens or palaces. Many buildings also had such gates at their entrance.

Modernizing and traditionalism also came into conflict at any tourist spot I went to. Even sacred places, such as the “thousand Buddha caves” in Jinan were Disneyland-ized. Fake antique Buddha statues could be found everywhere. When we went to the Great Wall, there was a section of the wall that was nicely kept up, lined with vendors yelling “Hello! Come take look!” It took a fairly dedicated effort to find a part of the wall that truly felt ancient. But, in many ways, I felt like the tourism factor was not just for the Western tourists—there were many Chinese people at most of these places. What got to be rather frustrating was the persisting opinion of the American tourist as being rich.

As I expected, in Beijing, I did not feel like I stood out as much as I had for the whole trip up to that point. In Shanghai, this feeling was even more accentuated. There were many Westerners everywhere, and in many ways, the city reminded me of something in between London and San Francisco. This was a definite contrast to Beijing, which appeared to me more as a Los Angeles —sprawling, with every destination requiring getting in a car.

Although I would have liked to have gotten to spend more than two days in Shanghai, I do not feel that doing so would have given me much insight into Chinese culture and tradition. It struck me as a modern, prospering city. Whenever I used Chinese to say “Hello” to people, I got responses in English. Like in Beijing, McDonalds and Kentucky Fried Chicken were everywhere—there seemed to be one every four blocks. This was actually interesting in economic terms, for in market oriented economic courses, it is generally accepted that franchises do not generally allow two of their stores to be opened up in great proximity to each other, thus preventing competition and the lowering of prices between each franchise. My only explanation is that perhaps the Chinese government, and not the franchise owners, are the ones who determine where the stores ought to be located.

The richness of Shanghai was soon contrasted with an interesting couple of days in Guangzhou. Walking down the many alleys of the downtown, I was offered hash perhaps fifteen times in one hour. Many of the alleys were filled with hair salon after salon, each of which had about five attractive young Chinese women sitting, doing nothing, just waiting for a passerby to step in. This was also the place that I noticed the most widespread, immediately observable poverty. Of all the cities we spent time in while in China, Guangzhou was the only one where I felt uncomfortable walking around. The reason we were in Guangzhou was that we were hoping to go to Hong Kong for a day. This showed us something interesting about China ‘s policy concerning Hong Kong. Even though it is now a part of China, since it is considered a special economic zone, once you leave China and get into Hong Kong, a new re-entry visa is required to get back on the mainland.

On October 29^th, we ended our trip to China and landed in Vietnam. Our first experience was to encounter a cumbersome customs process where, instead of walking our own luggage through, we had to let airport workers stack them on carts, check each individual tag on the luggage, unstack them onto the conveyor belts, stack them back onto the carts, then stack them in a bus.

The ride to Hanoi from the airport took us through the countryside. It was a strange experience. Everything was like I had pictured it—the rice fields, the particular shades of green, the mossy trees. In many ways, I was getting flashbacks to Trinidad, especially looking at the familiar varieties of plants which grew there, and the yellow and white paint used on so many of the buildings. The countryside in Vietnam is home to some of the poorest people in the world, earning less than $300 per year. What I saw was an agricultural system based largely on manual labor and animal labor. I assume people simply cannot afford more.

Soon, we were in the city, which was nothing like I had expected. Thousands of motorcycles zooming by us, on good roads, with no stop signs or stoplights. Although there were sidewalks, we were usually forced to walk in the streets with the motorcycles since the sidewalk was basically a parking lot for bikes not in use. There were few particularly tall buildings. Many buildings were quite narrow and long, representing, I was told, the response to Vietnam ‘s parcel distribution laws. The French influence on architecture and food was very obvious. There are many Westerners here, and interestingly, every one of them who lives in Hanoi is working with some form of development firm.

The use of English was extremely widespread, making knowledge of Vietnam only useful if we wished to know what people were saying behind our backs. I feel they must be saying something about us behind our backs—I find it hard to believe that there is a nation of people out there as polite as the Vietnamese. When we sat down to dinner, food would not be served until a table was full, to guarantee everyone had fair access to hot food. When we first got to the hotel, these tiny Vietnamese men insisted on taking our luggage up the three flights of stairs, then refused any form of tipping or compensation. When wandering around a Confucius temple one day, a young Vietnamese girl came up to me and said, in flawless English, that she would like to give me a tour of the temple and use the opportunity to practice her English skills. These are just a few examples of their kindness.

This is not to say that there have not been any hostile acts towards us. A postcard seller flicked off a friend and me because we refused to look at his goods and buy anything. Another one of my classmates was grabbed by a Vietnamese man who kept telling her to come with him, and the security guards at the hotel did nothing to stop the act. While shopping one day, a student pointed at a lady on the street cooking something. The student had had the food before and was talking about how good it was. The lady looked up and yelled something in Vietnamese at the girl that translated to, “You don’t need to stare!”

I am sure this lady’s instantaneous reaction is justified. In many ways, it is hard to step into a society so different from your own and resist the temptation to stare and point. It is even harder when you are continuously being stared and pointed at. It is also easy to see only what you wish to see. The poor and homeless people in Guangzhou are the least recalled of my memories of China, but the feeling of poverty I felt in that city is still significantly vivid.

What you have just read is what I remember of what I saw. There are many gaps. There are gaps in observation, comprehension, acknowledgement, contact… the list can go on. I can say that I have a fair notion of what the wealthier (yet still poor) minority of the population of South Korea, China, and Vietnam live like. I can also say that there was a definite feeling of forthcoming change in all these countries, which are all incredibly different from the United States cities with which I am familiar, but which I feel are everyday becoming more like the ones at home.

Those were some of the things I saw.

In what ways did the rise of Islam influence Jewish life?

After the destruction of the second temple, Jews began to disperse and settle outside Israel. They carried with them the canon of scripture, allowing their tradition to live on despite apparent defeat. The diaspora led Jews to places like Spain and Iraq, which were far from Israel, but where Islam was prominent. Islam was (and is usually) very tolerant of Jews and Christians since they are all part of the same family of religious thought—they are the “peoples of the Book.” This tolerance made it such that Jewish thought was allowed to continue to flourish.

From Jewish academies in Babylonia we get the creation (c. 600 CE) of the Babylonian Talmud—which is a collection of material including Biblical laws and applications and commentaries on them—was written. The Babylonian Talmud is second only to the Hebrew Bible in terms of significant Hebrew literature. The process has continued through time with additional commentaries successively added, making it essentially a “large encyclopedia.”

Along with the Babylonian Talmud, Hebrew scriptures were also translated into Arabic to make the material more accessible to a wider audience, including the non-Jewish Muslims who also resided in these areas. Many Jewish scholars flourished in the receptive environment. One of the significant thinkers who made use of Arabic to communicate his message was Moses Maimonides, who said that Judaism was a religion based on rationality and that faith does complement reason. Maimonides also wrote (in Hebrew), a religious code which summarized the Talmud and wrote of the basic principles of Jewish belief.

In broad terms, what impacts did the dominant Christians have on European Jews?

Throughout history, Christianity has had a degree of prejudice against Jews. Medieval European Christianity, which was the dominant religion, accented many of these prejudices. Jews were not seen as loyal. Christians were suspicious of what went on during Jewish religious practices—many of which took place, not in public, but at home. Jews were forced to live in ghettos and excluded from owning farmland.

Economic as well as religious motives in the late Middle Ages forced Jews into exile. Many Christians resented the fact that they owed money to the Jews, who were the only ones allowed to lend money with interest. Christianity proscribed usury. Exiling the Jews would free the borrowers from their debt. Jews in Spain were offered the option to convert to Christianity or to leave. This period of time is significant since it was then that Judaism underwent a great cultural division that resulted in Sephardic Judaism and Ashkenazic Judaism. Sephardic Judaism took root in Mediterranean regions and mixes Latin, Spanish and Hebrew in its language. Ashkenazic Jews were those who eventually settled more towards central Europe. They spoke Yiddish, which was a combination of medieval German mixed with Hebrew, written in Hebrew.

Another major shift for European Jews (and Christians) came during the Renaissance, which produced another split in the Judaism—this time on traditional rather than cultural grounds. One direction taken was that of traditionalism, which emphasized the rules of the Torah and the Talmud. The other direction was that of modernization, or Reform, in which Jews began to become more integrated into society, in the process loosing some elements of traditional Judaism.

Finally, in even more recent times, European Judaism was faced with almost complete destruction in the Holocaust, when Ashkenazic Jewish tradition almost came to an end.

List five practices or beliefs that distinguish Orthodox Judaism.

Until the Reform movement, which began to incorporate Jews into society at the sacrifice of some tradition, all Jews were Orthodox since all Jews were traditional. With the Reform movement, the Orthodox movement began with the intent of retaining traditional Jewish practices and beliefs. Orthodox Jews are reluctant to change anything about their traditions, especially practices mentioned in the Torah.

One of these practices is that services are conducted completely in Hebrew by male rabbis. This, of course, separates those Jews who may have adopted foreign languages, such as Arabic or Ladino (Sephardic Jews), for the sake of either communicating the Jewish message on a larger scale, or as a mean to help their culture survive discrimination from other members of society.

A second practice that distinguishes Orthodox Judaism is the act of keeping social roles for men and women strictly separate. The woman’s place is at home, while the men go out to work—to be the breadwinners. In relation to this is a third distinctive practice: men and women are separated in Orthodox Jewish synagogues.

Orthodox Jews also stick closely to the strict laws about diet which value cleanliness and care in food preparation. These practices were originally developed for hygienic reasons, but through time, became “rules about ritual purity,” or as the Jews would say, Kosher practices.

A fifth practice held by Orthodox Jews is the strict observance of the rules concerning the Sabbath. No work is to be done by anyone, man or animal, on the Sabbath. Food cannot be cooked, and fires can’t be built. In modern times, Orthodox Jews now also refrain from driving cars or using telephones on the Sabbath. In fact, to further separate themselves from Conservative Judaism, which follows the many of the practices of traditional Judaism, Orthodox Jews, won’t even turn lights on or off on the Sabbath.

To many Orthodox Jews it is not difficult to observe these strict practices. Rather, the practices are seen as devotionally fulfilling, with “every moment consciously devoted” to God.

Briefly summarize the development and practice of Reform Judaism.

With the harsh treatment of Jews throughout history came the desire to become integrated into society. Reform Judaism was an attempt by Jews to leave the ghettos in Germany and incorporate themselves into mainstream European culture. It did so with the hopes of survival of Judaism in the world. This has undoubtedly led to some loss of traditional Judaism.

Moses Mendelssohn, in the late 1700s, called for religious tolerance, and for the embracing of the European Enlightenment. An acceptance of the European Enlightenment, which included such ideas as secular education, equality, individual liberty, and scientific development, made Jewish beliefs and practices open for question.

This has resulted in a change in the way Judaism is practiced. Some of the major changes is that men and women sit together in synagogue worship, traditional dress has almost disappeared, and service is conducted in both Hebrew and the native language, thus increasing acceptance and effectiveness. One of the most significant changes brought about through Reform Judaism is the change in the traditional gender roles—equality is now greatly encouraged. One change in practice that is related to the Reform point of view is that girls now also have a coming-of age ceremony, bat mitzvah, which proclaims them “daughters of the commandment.” Thanks to Reform Judaism, the position of rabbi is no longer reserved for males only.

Paul is said to have defined the relationship of Christians to Judaism. Summarize the significant teachings of Paul in this regard.

Much of the early growth of Christianity has been credited to the missionary Paul (Saul), so much so that he is occasionally called “the cofounder of Christianity.” Much of his popularity arose from the accessibility of his interpretations of Jesus’ teachings.

Paul was born and raised under traditional Judaism. He initially opposed the Christian movement, until Jesus came to him in a vision. When he had this vision, he was baptized, and spent several solitary years learning about Jesus. It was then that he decided that he would spend his life spreading the belief in Jesus.

Paul chose not to expend too much effort trying to convert Jews to Christianity, and was not always well received by Jews. Like the first Christians, Paul was convinced that Jesus was the Messiah that the Jews had been waiting for. Not all Christians, however, came from Jewish backgrounds, and the question about differentiation between Judaism and Christianity arose. Much of the controversy and debate centered on whether Christians should keep Jewish religious laws, such as circumcision and dietary practices. Paul felt that one of Jesus’ messages was one encouraging freedom. He felt that laws hindered freedom too much and that they often “hurt more than they helped.” Furthermore, Paul said that it was not through laws that we strengthen our relationship with God, but rather faith and acceptance of Jesus and the love of God. He argued that this did not exempt us from moral rules since the laws of morality are really based on an interior force. This difference of opinion defined a major difference between Judaism and Christianity, and had a fundamental impact of separating their relationship quite early on.

Identify the two key Christian sacraments. Describe the beliefs and practices associated with each.

One of the key elements of most religions is ritual. The most important rituals in Christianity are called sacraments. The two key Christian sacraments are baptism and the Eucharist.

Baptism is the universally used initiation rite in Christianity, and is a cleansing with water. This practice was derived from the Jewish notion of ritual bathing as a form of purification. Some forms of Christianity allow sprinkling of water on the head, instead of immersion of the body in water, as sufficient for the ritual. The early ritual of complete immersion was a symbolic one, letting us recall “the death, burial, and resurrection of Jesus.” It is also seen as a sign or repentance and of moral purification. Many forms of Christianity perform the ritual on infants, but some forms of Protestantism feel that baptism should be a voluntary ritual, thus making it a ritual for adults ready to make the choice of initiation.

The Eucharist, or Lord’s Supper, began with early Christians as a Passover meal imitating Jesus’ Last Supper. The act is a symbol of sharing the life and death of Jesus through the consumption of wine (Jesus’ blood) and bread (Jesus’ body). Some groups take the representation of wine and bread as the blood and body of Jesus quite literally, with some metaphysical transformation, called transubstantiation, taking place while ingestion takes place, if the person’s heart is fully with Jesus. While others simply partake symbolically, all forms of Christianity have this ritual.

What kind of person was Muhammad? How was he viewed by his family, by his followers, and by those who opposed him?

Muhammad saw himself as the last of the prophets to speak God’s word to humanity. His followers felt the same. Although he was an instrument of God, and was seen as the “ideal human being,” Muhammad was not divine.

Muhammad was born in 570 CE in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, where among other local religions, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity were practiced. The local religions had a “supreme God,” Allah, who was the creator of life, but not involved in everyday concerns. Allah was not the center of faith and worship in this society, which also paid reverence to many other tribal gods and goddesses. Through his job as a caravan driver, Muhammad was exposed to many of these religions, learned a lot from them, but also noticed major differences within them. He noticed the division between Jews and Christians concerning God and Jesus. He also noted the widespread worship of nature spirits.

Muhammad spent much time meditating and pondering religion. He received his first revelation at the age of 40, but initially doubted the nature of it, attributing it to perhaps madness or hallucination. However, he was urged by his wife to accept the revelation as direct communication with God. After additional revelations came to him, Muhammad decided to share his revelations first with his family, who then became the first Muslims—”people who submit” to Allah.

His open proclamation of his revelations was often not well received. In addition to the insistence that only one God, Allah be worshiped, and the worship of other gods forbidden, Muhammad also had revelations which threatened business people. For example, the lending of money with interest was forbidden by Muhammad’s revelations. Also, the destruction of pillars of worship to the many tribal gods meant a loss in revenue that would normally come in with the many pilgrimages to the shrines in Mecca. The social content of his revelations challenged the existing order, preaching a very democratic message.

Muhammad’s controversial, unwelcomed ideas eventually forced him into exile. He managed to set up a mosque some distance away from Mecca, but always had the intention of returning to Mecca. Eventually, Muslims managed to take control of Mecca and Muhammad was able to return to his homeland.

Describe the Qur’an and its place in Islam.

The Qur’an, or “recitation,” is the sacred book of Islam. The book’s title represents both the origins of the scriptures (the recitations of Muhammad), as well as the way the scriptures should be communicated. The Qur’an which is said to be God’s word delivered through Muhammad in his sermons, was written down during his lifetime (570-632 CE), and completed in an authorized version in 656 CE. The book is read literally and is thought to be the most accurate revelation of God’s will. The Qur’an succeeds where the Old and New Testaments failed, since it accurately records all of the Truth, and since the Old and New Testaments were “partially corrupted in transmission,” as can be seen with the discrepancies which occur between them.

The Qur’an, which has 114 chapters (suras), covers stories from the Jewish and Christian Bibles, tells about events in Muhammad’s life, and gives advice about topics in everyday life. The book is not divided into stories or segments, but within each sura, different topics will be combined. The topics concerned with Muhammad’s life often concern religious matters, such as fasting, divine judgement, and pilgrimage. Topics concerning everyday life include rules about marriage and divorce, money, and property rights.

Passages from the Qur’an are often used in artistic expression, utilizing creative cursive Arabic lettering to embellish and contrast with intricate geometric designs. In addition to the appearance of the written text, the language in which the Qur’an is written is also supposed to have a high degree of fluidity and hypnotism associated with it. This can be attributed to the original nature of the Qur’an—originally commonly a memorized set of Muhammad’s suras.

How does science view the universe, the earth, and human beings?

From the beginning of progress in modern science in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, science and religion have always been in some form of conflict or another. Religious people say that science is trying to undermine notions such as God and morality. To them, science basically often comes into conflict with its worldview. Scientists point out that science is a way to better understand and appreciate our universe—that it helps give us a better picture of reality.

Science finds most things to be quite material and quantifiable. It offers a theory about the creation of the universe—although there are still questions about what preceded the universe—and about the current place of humans in this universe. Furthermore, the universe is no longer unfathomable, but rather we can make good estimates about how many galaxies it contains. We can also look back in time to the moments just after the creation of the modern universe and see what was happening.

Science can explain the formation of the earth through time—the gradual process of heating, cooling, life formation, destruction, revival of life, and the influence of humans on the earth. Every physical thing can be broken down into sub-atomic particles and analyzed. Scientists can make claims to knowing “the building blocks of life.” Many natural phenomena, such as lightning and storm formations, can be explained through scientific experiment rather than relying on faith.

One of the major problems that some religions have with science is human evolution. If we have evolved, for example, how can we also say that we are created in God’s image? Another concern by the religious community is that sometimes scientists may be seen as “playing god,” using medicines to alter our states of being and work against the forces of nature.

Marxist Communism has shown a number of parallels with religions. Explain.

Marxist Communism, which is an atheistic philosophy, has occasionally been called a non-theistic religion. Some people even refer to Communism as “the God that failed.” Many of the key characteristics of religions are present in Marxist Communism. It offers us a worldview, telling us our place in society (social classes), and helping explain why we are there (exploitation), and how we can get out of such a situation (unification and a social uprising representative of the will and belief of the common man).

Religions and Marxist Communism also offer us a social setting—a community—to offer us comfort. Both are also supposed to try to help care for elders and disabled members of society. This implies also that ethics is present as a characteristic of Marxist Communism, and certainly with the notions of exploitation and unequal distribution being clearly wrong, the characteristic fits well.

There is also a level of sacredness concerning the words of many past Communist leaders. Chairman Mao’s “little red book” can serve as an example. Moreover, it is not just the words that are held sacred. Lines of people wait to see the preserved bodies of Mao and Lenin. Taxi-drivers in China have photos of Mao on their dashboards as good luck charms. Marx, Lenin, and Mao are often portrayed as deities in artwork, with rays of light shining from behind them. Karl Marx’s writings are still very prominent in the minds of anyone studying society and economics. The only reason that his God failed was that the economics could not help make it a reality.

Why do religions exist? Give at least three possible reasons, and defend them with good arguments.

Putting it in extremely simple terms, religions exist to help humans deal with certain questions that are difficult to answer. One of the most obvious groups of questions in which religion proves to be of assistance is the group of questions related to death. Religion can help us deal with death in a more comfortable way.

Religion can also make us feel more secure about the world, or rather, the universe in which we live. Religion tries to help us understand something about our immediate environment by offering us stories about our creation; it often also includes stories to try to explain the stars and the heavens in a manner in which we can feel more comfortable with our place in such an unfathomable reality.

Another explanation for the existence of religion is that “human beings are also social by nature.” Religion often offers the means for social gatherings, providing both a location and a means of communication. The communication is not limited to those resembling social gatherings, but also includes communication that uses more creative means of expression, such as music and art. Religion also often provides a sense of security and belonging for older people and people in less favorable social and economic conditions.

List, and briefly describe, five characteristics that are typically associated with a religion.

It is difficult to list characteristics that all religions must have, but there are a few characteristics that are commonly looked at when studying religions. They characteristics looked at are the following: belief system, community, ethics, characteristic emotions, ritual, and sacredness.

The belief system, or worldview, of a religion is its approach to understanding the universe and our place in the universe. Many of today’s religions are practiced using “sacred texts” as the basis of our worldview. Most of these, however, have their roots in the oral tradition, where the knowledge of the understanding of the universe was passed down from generation to generation by word of mouth.

The belief system is developed, practiced, and shared among a community. This community is also likely to have ethical rules of conduct to help society function more smoothly—a social lubricant of sorts. These rules of conduct may include rules concerning the treatment of outsiders to the community, and treatment to elders and the poor. Often, the basis or the justification for these rules would be said by religious leaders to have “been revealed from a supernatural realm.”

Religions often have a certain degree of ritual involved in their ceremonies. Rituals do not have to be ceremonial in nature. I may, for example, decide that I desire to meditate quietly in solitude, but make it a daily ritual.

The religious community may also set aside particular locations for the ceremonies to be practiced. These locations are often removed from the realm of the ordinary, and placed into the realm of sacredness. A cathedral, for example is a sacred building, and—even for those outside of the religion—will point out its distinction from ordinary buildings, simply with the sheer beauty of the architecture and its impressive size.

What are the four Vedas about? Describe them in detail.

The name Veda means knowledge or sacred lore, and the work they refer to represent the earliest of the Hindu sacred texts. The Vedas were originally passed down through the oral tradition and include ceremonial rules and chants. There are four collections of these sacred texts.

The most important of these, the Rig Veda, presents, among other things, a chant / hymn about the creation of the universe. The Rig-Veda, or “hymn knowledge,” is a collection of chants to the Aryan gods. The Yajur Veda is a collection of “ceremonial knowledge” and includes hymns to be recited during offerings. The Sama Veda is another collection of chants, and includes music to accompany the chants. The fourth Veda, the teachings of Atharva (cleverly called “Atharva Veda”) includes knowledge of charms, as well as additional “practical prayers and charms.”

The Vedas were changed later on to include detailed ceremonial rules called Brahmanas and Aranyakas. Brahamanas were included for the priests of the same name, and detailed such tings as ritual objects, and ceremonial times and places. Aranyakas were written to allow ascetics to practice the Vedas in a “non-literal, symbolic” way.

The Vedas end in the philosophical work of the Upanishads.

Define the concept of maya, and describe the impact of this concept on the Hindu understanding of death.

The Upanishads’ use of maya often translates into “illusion.” Maya deals with appearances and our perception of reality. The reality of the world, for example, may not be quite how we see it. Instead, the world we see as real is often the one that we create with our projection of our perception.

Yogis who have “risen to a state of super-consciousness,” see the world as close to reality as is possible. This view of the world is very different from the view of the “real” world that we have. All materiality, and the multitude of “real” worlds created by individuals, vanish.

Although we see only an illusion of the real world, Hindus believe we must treat maya as real as long as it “appears real and demanding to us.”

The illusion involved in maya lies in our viewing our material things and ourselves as individually real, while “in reality,” everything is Brahman. As such, death is not seen as “the end.” Since we are all ultimately “manifestations” of Brahman, which is “ultimately beyond time and beyond space,” our death is maya. Reality is that we keep on living—the spirit never dies. Reality is that we may never have been born—there may have never been a beginning.

Describe three of the yogas and explain how they function within Hindu practice.

Yogas are active means, versus quiet meditation, of living spiritually. The word yoga means to join, and is related to the word yoke. Yogas can be seen as the paths that lead to our union with the divine. Hinduism recognizes that different people operate differently, and as such there are different yogas to accommodate for these different needs. Here is a description of three kinds of yogas.

Jnana Yoga, or knowledge yoga, is the study of the Bhagavad-Gita and the Upanishads, and studying under gurus. This is a very philosophical yoga that seeks to make aware in the yogi that everything is united under Brahman.

Bhakti Yoga, or devotion yoga, involves devotion to deities, and to one’s parents, spouse, and spiritual teacher. Bhakti Yoga can come in various forms, including “chants, songs, food offerings, and the anointing of statues.” This can be seen as the way to unity with love.

Raja Yoga is a type of yoga that promotes meditations as its mean of becoming spiritually united with the divine. Meditation can be practiced in many ways. The most commonly know form of meditation in the western world is the “emptying of the mind.” In whatever form, the purpose of the meditation is to clear the mind and to use your energies “to reach higher consciousness.”

List the Four Noble Truths. Explain how they illustrate the practical nature of Buddhist teaching.

The Four Noble Truths are Buddhist teachings about the truth concerning life.

The First Noble Truth is that “to live is to suffer.” Put more illustratively, birthing is painful, as is growing old. Disease—or dis-ease—is also suffering. Finally, death also hurts—it causes suffering to those around you. The more optimistic view of this message is that with acknowledgement of the suffering of life, we can find out why we suffer, and ultimately, reduce that suffering.

The Second Noble Truth is that “suffering comes from desire.” Unfortunately, we all have desires. We all have certainly seen this truth. We have all been in situations where we swore that “If I just had this one thing, I would be content,” only to find that, when we get that thing, there is another craving to take its place. This discontent is the cause of our suffering.

To solve this, the Buddha says that the Third Noble Truth is that “to end suffering we must end desire.” Buddha’s personal mean of recognizing this truth was to live it; he left his possessions, his family, and all that he was attached to behind, opting instead to be enlightened. Since not all people can be monks, however, Buddhists have a variation of this truth for common folk, and that is to accept things as they happen and focus on inner peace rather than happiness. We cannot change the world.

Nirvana, the ultimate Buddhist goal, is the subject of the Fourth Noble Truth, which says, “Release from suffering is possible and can be attained by following the Noble Eightfold Path.” When one follows the Noble Eightfold Path and attains Nirvana, the individual will have control over themselves, and not be a victim of desire, pressured by outside forces.

Describe two typical practices associated with Zen and explain how they relate to the goal of achieving enlightenment.

Enlightenment, or satori, in Buddhism is the recognition of our unity with the universe. Once enlightened, we can see that the separations we make are based on our projection of the distinctions in our minds. Like many of the eastern religions, this recognition represents the concept that everything essentially consists of the “same basic energy of the universe,” and that the variations are basically manifestations of this energy.

Zen monks have several techniques for reaching enlightenment, of which the most often used in zazen, or sitting meditation. Zazen is practiced in a peaceful setting, where the individual—calmly and with discipline—sits for several hours in the morning and evening. One builds up on this meditation, starting with breathing exercises, and moving up to other techniques such as word repetition. Through practice, one is able to “focus on the moment” and enter a “state of simple awareness.”

While sitting hour after hour, the Zen monks may also employ another technique for achieving Satori: the koan. The koan is a question that, to us, may seem absurd. One example is “What is the sound of one hand clapping.” The koan is “not a question that can be answered using logic.” Instead, the koan asks questions that demand so much pondering that it “agitates” and exhausts the mind. In this thoughtful, open state, there is the possibility for a flash of satori.

Explain the yin and yang, using examples as necessary to illustrate your explanation.

The yin and yang is the thought that the universe is composed of “opposite but complementary principles.” The yin is often seen as possessing “passive or receptive” forces, while the yang represents more “active or aggressive” forces. While it does include such examples as male and female, night and day, right and left, and good and evil, the yin and yang is not a case of good against evil. The opposites are not competing, and we are not expecting one to win.

What we do expect, however, is that there will be a balance between the two forces. Each force invades the other—there is a seed of the opposite within itself. They form a cyclical process whereby the opposing forces eventually exchange places with each other. One of nature’s clearest examples of this concept is that of the seasonal cycles. Winter, for example, is a time when little life flourishes. But it contains an element of spring, which gradually takes over, with warmth and life. This “yang” of spring continues through summer, but in summer there is also the yin that leads us from autumn, and back into winter.

This is representative of the idea that “everything contains its opposite and will eventually become its opposite.”

What is the Tao Te Ching and what role has it played in the Taoist religion?

The Tao Te Ching is like the Bible for Taoists. Its title means “the classical book about the way and its power.” The short book consists of eighty-one short chapters, and deals with politics, ethics, and metaphysics—”the study of what is genuinely real.”

Throughout the book, there are references to the Tao, or, if translated, “the way.” The Toa, however, is nameless, formless and indescribable. It cannot be put into words, so the appointed author of the book, Lao Tzu, used brief, paradoxical poems to write of the Tao. I have heard that one can read it in an hour or a lifetime.

The Tao Te Ching goes on to say that not only is Tao the origin of everything, but also, “all individual things are ‘manifestations’ of the Tao. We may be inclined, then, to think of Tao as “God.” This does not, however, mesh with Taoist thought, which believes that Tao “does not have a personality.” Human beings are given no favored status by Tao, but were simply produced “along with the rest of nature,” and are merely a part of Tao.

The Tao Te Ching offers a lot of imagery in its poetry to try and help portray something natural that most resembles Tao. One of the most powerful of these images is water, which Taoists observe as effortlessly flowing, constantly adapting to its environment, and which they also observe to be one of the basic necessities of life.

Explain the ideal of wu wei.

The wu wei, the ideal of effortlessness, is one of the main teachings of the Tao Te Ching. Wu wei literally means “no action,” but can be better described as the “avoidance of unnecessary action and action that is not spontaneous.” The wu wei contains recommendations about how we should live to live in harmony and balance with nature. This may seem to go against the idea that our actions should be spontaneous, but the recommendations are simply recommendations, not rules. It suggests looking at, and learning from, the effortless way in which nature gets done that which is absolutely necessary. The way of nature is referred to as Tao. To live according to the wu wei, one must be in tune with Tao, and live a life without tension and imbalance.

The wu wei can also be applied on different levels. For example, in the case of politics, the wu wei, as was noted before, are not rules. Applied to governments, the wu wei would agree that “the less government, the better.” On a personal, moral level, the wu wei suggests that in acting spontaneously, we would not have “selfish attachments to the consequences of our actions.” Finally, as noted before, on the “cosmic” level, we should follow the Tao, and realize that “there is nothing artificial in natural events.”